
The Third Way Is Still Alive
Could Corbynism come to Australia? Don’t count on it — neoliberalism runs deep in the country's Labor Party.
Could Corbynism come to Australia? Don’t count on it — neoliberalism runs deep in the country's Labor Party.
Hygge has exploded as a cozy, comforting interior design trend. But the security and intimacy it evokes can't be achieved by scented candles alone — that requires social democracy.
“Post-work” Marxism aims to liberate us from the coercion of wage labor. But without a program for reorganizing production, it can only return us to the tyranny of the market.
Should Bernie Sanders be the Left’s presidential candidate in 2020? Hamilton Nolan and Bhaskar Sunkara revive the great American tradition of arguing about Bernie online.
Sri Lanka is being convulsed by political crisis. A lasting solution will require transcending the politics of ethnic nationalism and neoliberal technocracy.
Norway’s trillion-dollar oil fund is so important to the welfare state that they’ve even made a sitcom about it. But sound economic planning can’t be based on polluting the environment forever.
A radical Green New Deal would open up enormous possibilities for human flourishing — and allow us to reclaim the language of freedom from the Right.
Socialists can't wave away concerns about the feasibility of a future socialist society — we need to offer people credible answers.
Agriculture policy in the original New Deal sprang from a heady mix of class struggle and uneasy alliances. The Green New Deal will have to stitch together a different coalition that can challenge the dominant mode of agriculture and create a more just food system.
Last night, Jordan Peterson spouted nonsense about Marxism. And Slavoj Žižek reminded us of how deep into liberal pessimism he's fallen.
Martin Hägglund speaks about This Life, his new book about love, grief, wealth, and Karl Marx.
Socialists and populists have found plenty to disagree about over the years, from private property to trust-busting. But their shared commitment to fighting corporate power often brought them together — and it should today, too.
A $1,000 a month check won’t cut it, but there’s a real democratic socialist response to automation that could make us all happier and give everyone more leisure time.
Solving the ecological crisis requires a mass movement to take on hugely powerful industries. Yet environmentalism’s base in the professional-managerial class and focus on consumption has little chance of attracting working-class support.
In the United States, the Populist tradition has always defined left-wing and egalitarian politics, unfairly maligned by bosses and intellectuals alike.
The grassroots group Momentum was an instrumental campaigning force for Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party during the 2017 election. Now the group is bigger and stronger, and preparing for victory next month.
This year marks a century since the First Red Scare, which decimated the ranks of the US left. One of the worst episodes was the Centralia incident — where a reactionary mob tortured and killed a group of IWW members to drive them out of the Washington town.
The British Labour Party botched its response to false allegations of rampant antisemitism among the party membership. Left-wing movements in other countries can’t make the same mistake.
Coronavirus has emphasized a truth we knew before the pandemic: capitalist food systems are irrational and don’t serve human needs. Socialists have to demand a food system based on social and ecological needs — one that can provide food for all.
A few weeks ago, we had a democratic-socialist presidential campaign with several million donors and over a thousand-person staff. Today, we have no mass organization to carry on the struggle. We can change that — but only with Bernie’s help.