Onstage at the presidential debate last night, Kamala Harris gave the kind of substanceless performance that has characterized her campaign so far, seemingly designed to keep the country from knowing what she would actually get done in the White House.
“National Conservatism: A Statement of Principles” contains ten guiding ideals for the New Right.
Mainstream Democrats are moving away from identity politics — but the Right has doubled down.
Last week, Kamala Harris unveiled a woefully inadequate plan to increase investment in industry through tax credits. Workers’ pension funds hold billions in savings that could fund green energy and affordable housing, if only they were democratically run.
Yesterday, Bernie Sanders tore into the Democratic Party’s “big money interests and well-paid consultants” who abandoned working-class voters. Bernie was stating an obvious truth — one that Democratic leaders seem hell-bent on ignoring.
Last year, Germany’s Foreign Office spelled out guidelines for a “feminist” foreign policy, focused on defending marginalized women. Today in Gaza, this same ministry is arming the deadliest war on women and girls this century.
In their despair at Donald Trump’s victory, liberal pundits are concluding that the masses, especially the working class, are irredeemably terrible. That’s apolitical nonsense.
Marine Le Pen and Giorgia Meloni represent a new model of far-right political marketing. It presents Western neoliberalism as a beacon of women’s empowerment — claiming to defend women’s rights, even as they attack migrants and low-earners.
Wall Street–backed charity funds provide ultrawealthy donors with massive charitable tax breaks — yet operate without any requirement to ever distribute the money to working charities.
It’s time for a mainstream movement against Trumpism.
The Democrats have claimed climate change as their issue. But on MSNBC, liberals’ home channel, all meaningful discussion of climate change is overshadowed by the ultimate political fixation: Donald Trump.
British Labour politician Anthony Crosland’s The Future of Socialism was once the bible of revisionist social democracy. Looked at today, it is far from prescient but surprisingly compelling.
Despite the efforts of Donald Trump and the Right to bend the state in a more repressive, less free direction, society seems more and more resistant to these efforts.
In the 2024 election, US Catholics voted in large numbers for Donald Trump. It’s far from inevitable that Catholics find their home on the Right — the church has long promoted radically egalitarian ideas about wealth redistribution and empowering workers.
In the 1970s, a crop of books purporting to provide a scientific basis for gender inequality met sharp criticism from figures like Stephen Jay Gould. Decades later, these debates have fallen out of public memory, but right-wing pseudoscience persists.
J. D. Vance offended European colleagues on Friday by publicly doubting that they are champions of democracy. Some of the examples he cited were spurious — but the EU establishment’s shocked reaction itself spoke to their unreflective groupthink.
In his new book, Believe, Ross Douthat contends that religious faith provides necessary social cohesion and personal meaning. But can a broad appeal to belief survive in an era of increasingly sectarian and politicized faith?
Fifty years since British troops were deployed on the streets of Northern Ireland, the peace process is again in danger. The turmoil surrounding Brexit has raised hopes of Irish unity — but also risks a fresh descent into violence.
As we commemorate the many horrors of the Cold War, let’s not forget some of the good things it brought us — above all, a frightened ruling class scared into making concessions.
Simone de Beauvoir’s reputation as a feminist pioneer is well-established, but the influence of Marxism on her thinking is too often overlooked. She wanted to build a socialist movement that would fight class and gender oppression at the same time.