Dominicans are unable to access safe abortions, even in cases where a pregnancy is life-threatening. Activists in the country are creating a playbook for abortion rights advocacy from which American activists may soon want to take a page.
In 1989, Romania finally dropped its infamous policy banning all forms of birth control. But today, many women are finding it impossible to get an abortion, faced with a systematic right-wing assault against reproductive rights.
The demand for abortion has had the most success when it’s been free of preemptive compromise.
The reproductive rights movement is in crisis, and it’s looking for new tactics to break out of the impasse. That’s why there’s renewed interest in clinic defense — but the tactic deserves scrutiny.
Abortion activists had to defend Roe when reproductive rights hung in the balance of its defense. But it was always a weak foundation for those rights. We shouldn’t want Roe back — we should demand much, much more.
Florida’s Amendment 4 would enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution. Republican governor Ron DeSantis is deploying every tactic he can to stop it.
After its lower house of Congress voted yes earlier this month, Argentina’s upper house will vote tomorrow on legalizing abortion. The campaign could not have arrived at this point without years of mass feminist organizing in the streets.
Bernie Sanders’s record on abortion rights is far better than his detractors give him credit for. A Sanders presidency plus a mass movement for reproductive rights would be a powerful combination.
Abortion rights shouldn’t be at the mercy of the judiciary. We need federal legislation codifying Roe v. Wade — and Democrats need to buck up and eliminate the filibuster to pass it.
Pro-choice groups are being outspent almost two to one in Michigan’s abortion rights ballot initiative. Yet polls show abortion rights proponents are far ahead anyway — suggesting that the Right’s antiabortion stance is not popular in much of the country.
The Supreme Court’s abortion rights decision yesterday provides a brief respite to women across the South. But we’re still playing defense in the courts. Our offensive should be in the streets.
Abortion was illegal in Weimar Germany — and poor women were most often punished for breaking the law. The fight for legalization was also a struggle for the justice reform and welfare measures that would truly empower working-class women.
Abortion bans aren’t a capitalist plot to increase the labor supply. But they are an outgrowth of the brutal inequalities of capitalism, which systematically subordinates women to men.
Today, the right to abortion is secure across Australia. It wasn’t won by parliamentary means, however, but by militant campaigning and union solidarity.
After overturning Roe v. Wade last year, conservatives are now chipping away at abortion access at the state level. At the helm is a dark money network led by right-wing activists, which has so far spent $18 million on opposing reproductive justice in Ohio.
As Germany’s natalist far right rises, a growing progressive movement is challenging the country’s Nazi-era abortion laws.
After years of retreat, we need to reject the approach of conservative NGOs and fight for abortion without apology.
GOP vice presidential nominee J. D. Vance has pressured lawmakers to kill a rule that blocks police from accessing the medical records of people seeking abortions — an indication of the threat a Trump-Vance administration would pose to reproductive health.
The Right’s virulent anti-abortion rhetoric created the environment that led to the Planned Parenthood attack.
Leonard Leo’s massive conservative dark money network is quietly working behind the scenes to try to eliminate abortion protections at the state level.