Jonathan Sas has worked in senior policy and political roles in government, think tanks, and the labor movement. He is an honorary witness to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. His writing has appeared in the Toronto Star, National Post, the Tyee, and Maisonneuve.
Jeremy Corbyn recently mentioned that he’d read James Joyce’s Ulysses and liked it. It triggered a deranged uproar from Britain’s elite cultural gatekeepers. They’re just mad we’re coming for their stuff.
Last week, New York tenants overcame the state’s powerful real-estate lobby to win a historic package of renter protections. Next stop: universal rent control.
In a single speech, Bernie showed why he’s an existential threat to the political establishment. He decried poverty and exploitation and named capitalism as the culprit and democratic socialism as the solution.
Hong Kong’s government tried to rush through a bill that would limit civil liberties. Instead they triggered a tidal wave of protests — some of the largest in modern history.
Three giant financial companies control trillions of dollars in corporate stock, giving them the power to act on behalf of the capitalist class as a whole. What happens when they start to use it?
Housing segregation, like racism in general, has deep roots in American society. It wasn’t imposed by the federal government — and certainly not by the New Deal.
Last week, the Intercept exposed Lula’s persecution for the farce that it was. Now journalist Glenn Greenwald, his family, and the Intercept are under attack by Bolsonaro and his followers. They deserve our solidarity.
Under capitalism, “efficiency” most often translates into drudgery, discomfort, and alienation. Thank Frederick Winslow Taylor.
Boris Johnson and his rivals for the Tory leadership are outbidding each other to copy Nigel Farage’s agenda. Only Corbyn’s Labour Party stands in the way of a disastrous no-deal Brexit.
Ignore the neoliberal naysayers — rent control is an important tool in our battle for housing justice. We need universal rent control now.
Fifty years after it was published, Ralph Miliband’s The State in Capitalist Society remains indispensable for any socialist movement with ambitions of power.
The relationship between private equity firms and workers is zero sum: when they thrive, working-class communities suffer.
Capitalism has proven itself unable to provide us all with homes — the most basic human need after food and water.
Here’s a statistic to get your class rage going: since 1989, the top 1 percent’s net worth has skyrocketed by $21 trillion. And the bottom 50 percent’s? It’s plummeted by $900 billion.
The UAW’s continued defeats in the South are not a reflection of the workers who live there — but the result of anti-union smear campaigns and the union’s shallow organizing approach.
A new report says that human action is driving one million plant and animal species to extinction. But it’s not just any human action: it’s the choices of a tiny minority of wealthy and powerful people.
Pablo Iglesias has entered into talks with Pedro Sánchez’s Socialist Party. But if Podemos is to survive, it can’t just be a junior partner to the establishment center-left: it needs to revive its promise to transform Spanish democracy.
The evidence is now overwhelming — Lula was the victim of a politically motivated campaign to keep him from returning to power. He must be freed.
There are four important things to know about strikes in the public sector: strikes must be central to public-sector union strategy, workers need to be willing to strike even if it means breaking labor law, building community support is crucial, and strikes can defeat the Right’s privatization offensive.
The teachers’ strikes of the past year and a half have been an inspiration. But we haven’t seen a revitalization of successful worker militancy where it’s desperately needed: in the private sector.