After Trump’s 2017 inauguration, the meme saturating our political discourse was neo-Nazi Richard Spencer getting punched in the head. Today, it’s Bernie Sanders in mittens, dutifully but joylessly sitting through Biden’s inauguration. It’s a marker of our new political context: white nationalists thankfully don’t occupy the White House anymore, but nobody should cheer the neoliberal status quo.
The Amazon rainforest is close to an irreversible tipping point. By centering it in his foreign policy, Bernie Sanders can further distinguish himself while pushing his rivals.
In Bernie Sanders, we finally have a presidential contender fighting for the restoration of incarcerated voters’ democratic rights — a long overdue, commonsense reform that could have far-reaching implications for American prisons, the American political system, and, at a time of pandemic, society as a whole.
The big story of the Bernie Sanders campaign is not that he lost the race, but that he came so close to winning — and that we fundamentally transformed US politics in the process.
There’s not really a “Bernie Sanders wing” of the Democratic Party. When it comes to picking a vice president, he’ll have to settle for the next best thing — a reliable progressive like Wisconsin senator Tammy Baldwin.
The political revolution needs mass protest mobilization. But to be completed, it will also require a radical reconstruction of the United States’ undemocratic political institutions.
Forty years of neoliberalism have beaten down and disorganized the US working class. The Bernie Sanders campaign is showing how electoral politics can be used to re-politicize working people — and organize collectively for their class interests.
Bernie Sanders’s embrace of the New Deal legacy is an opportunity to dispel some pernicious historical myths about the New Deal’s relationship with socialism and its attitude toward the struggle for racial equality.
In 2018, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez was heralded as the millennial successor to Bernie Sanders. Today, some on the Left are starting to have doubts.
The delegate math looks better than the current media narrative suggests. Bernie Sanders and the movement behind him are still very much in the game. Here are the results he needs to win the nomination.
They say, “Bernie is too old.” We say, “Better to be old and right than young and a shithead.”
Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaigns galvanized a new generation to fight against inequality and corporate power. The spirit of that fight is now finding expression in the workplace — as seen with the massive strike the United Auto Workers just started today.
If Bernie Sanders wins the presidency, he’ll confront numerous obstacles to his agenda. To overcome those obstacles, we need a strategy to take on capital, especially Wall Street — and we need to start thinking about that strategy right now.
Some post-debate thoughts from Jacobin contributors.
At the Philadelphia Workers’ Presidential Summit, Joe Biden disappointed while Elizabeth Warren didn’t even bother to show. Only Bernie Sanders has the plan and the record to help bring the labor movement back.
The New York Times recently published “the strongest argument against Medicare for All.” We regret to inform you that the argument is, in fact, not strong at all.
In early February, Bernie Sanders advocated US involvement in peace talks to head off an “enormously destructive war” in Ukraine. We should have listened.
In their sequel to 2016’s Shattered, Amie Parnes and Jonathan Allen give a behind-the-scenes look at Joe Biden’s 2020 run — a campaign even more inept than Hillary Clinton’s, driven first and foremost by defeating Bernie Sanders, and saved in the end only by blind luck and historical accident.
He introduced Bernie to Joe Rogan. His show Secular Talk dominates YouTube. He even helped get AOC elected. So why doesn’t the media know who Kyle Kulinski is?
After another devastating loss to Donald Trump, a few liberal pundits are begrudgingly admitting it — Bernie Sanders was right.