At the heart of Andrew Cuomo’s mayoral run is the firm belief that none of the terrible things he’s done to the people whose votes he’s competing for will matter. Here’s a reminder of a few of the biggest scandals on that long list.
In the 1990s, Democrats adopted a neoliberal program to suit the needs of capital, driving many workers out. The party then adopted a political strategy meant to replace working-class voters with professionals — with disastrous consequences.
Liberal pundits look at Trump voters and see a monolithic mass of reactionary resentment. But class matters — poor Republicans actually tend to hold progressive views on the economy.
The nightmare scenario of the winner of the Electoral College losing the popular vote didn’t happen this time around. But the Electoral College is still a fundamentally anti-majoritarian, anti-democratic institution. We should absolutely scrap it.
At its peak in the 1920s and early ’30s, the Socialist Party in Wisconsin used both confrontational tactics and pragmatic alliances with nonsocialists to make legislative advances. It’s a model that may hold promise for socialist legislators today.
Radical candidates. “Crazy” platforms. Shocking upsets. The history of US conservatism holds lessons for the Left about how the impossible can become the inevitable.
Workers rejected Kamala Harris because she chose to campaign in a fantasy world where villains other than Trump are rarely named and nobody has to choose whether regular people or billionaire oligarchs get to wield power.
In New York City, a disgraced mayor and a discredited Democratic Party are creating potential openings for socialists. NYC history suggests that the Left might profitably revive proportional representation as a tool to build its electoral strength.
The recent ProPublica exposé about billionaires’ almost-nonexistent tax bill was just the latest to reveal how little the ultrarich pay in taxes. We need to attack the wealth and power of the rich — and that means massively increasing taxes on them.
Some “anti-elitists” on the Right say they want the GOP to be the party of the working class. But what they’re really offering is a PR campaign that won’t fundamentally change the lives of workers.
Deindustrialization has helped create a right-wing turn in many Midwestern towns. Long traditions of labor militancy can explain why it hasn’t in others.
Donald Trump is no lone wolf. Islamophobia can be found across the political mainstream.
A new book, Polarized by Degrees, argues that college-educated voters have come to dominate the Democratic Party and cultural institutions while Americans without a college degree feel increasingly alienated by the party’s technocratic worldview.
A historian debunks liberal myths about racism, the New Deal, and why the Democrats moved right.
In 1992, Bill Clinton spoke from the mecca of American white supremacy to launch his "tough on crime" agenda.
Looking beyond Joe Biden’s unexpectedly modest victory, the 2020 election was a historic failure for the Democratic Party. On the other hand, despite some painful hitches coming out of this campaign season, the Left has reason to be hopeful.
During the Cold War, the CIA and State Department understood that there is power in a union. After the successful purges of leftists from unions, US labor leaders were enlisted by government officials to join in their imperialist operations across the world.
As the Democratic Party clings to a message of compromise and conflict aversion, the GOP has adopted a fighting posture that seems to be resonating with working-class Americans.
In deep-red Hardin County, Kentucky, workers are trying to unionize a new electric vehicle battery plant. If Donald Trump scraps the IRA, it may cost thousands of his supporters safe, well-paying jobs.
