In 2016, Democrats put their chips on winning over conservative voters disgusted with Donald Trump and ended up with their worst electoral college margin since the days of Michael Dukakis. For some reason, they seem intent on trying the same strategy again.
Many in the newly reborn American socialist movement fervently hope that someday, in the face of numerous structural barriers, they can get a viable new party off the ground. But unfortunately, we can expect unions to be among the last to get on board with such a party.
A look at recent bottom-up efforts to win endorsements for Bernie Sanders and mobilize trade unionists against Donald Trump offer insights into how the labor movement can better and more democratically engage its members in politics.
West Virginia senator Joe Manchin is an embodiment of centrist Democrats’ worst instincts. He says he wants to win over Republican-voting workers, but he is consistently on the wrong side of populist economic issues like a minimum wage hike that are wildly popular among those workers.
Richard Neal's career is the story of a low-profile lawmaker keeping his head down, doing the work, and serving the interests of the corporate donors who give him money.
Joe Manchin’s blocking of the Build Back Better Act is maddening. But it was only possible because we live under a deeply undemocratic political system and are stuck with a Democratic Party still dominated by corporate interests.
Mainstream Democrats never tire of smearing the socialist senator from Vermont. Hillary Clinton is calling Bernie Sanders a sexist yet again. But his feminist credentials are solid — neoliberals like her are the ones failing women.
The Social Democrats' 2019 election win fed hopes that Denmark would move away from extreme measures that strip migrants of their valuables and criminalize minority neighborhoods. Yet since then, the Social Democratic government has continued this offensive — with recent calls for a "zero asylum" agenda that will push refugees into endless purgatory.
We should expand voting rights to advance democracy — not just the Democratic Party.
Despite what Democrats say, working-class support for Donald Trump is complicated and nuanced. Some could never be won over to a populist economic program. Others, though, are still reachable — and there are just enough of them to win elections.
The almost complete destruction of Democrats’ agenda in the reconciliation bill suggests that, despite some rhetoric to the contrary, the party is still intent on fulfilling Joe Biden’s promise to donors that “nothing would fundamentally change.”
A Democratic consulting firm that works for some of the country’s largest unions was exposed for aiding Amazon’s attempt to crush the Staten Island union drive. Democrats’ consulting class is profiting off both corporate union busters and the labor movement.
A startling poll shows how rapidly the Democrats are trading away their traditional multiracial, working-class base for white, highly educated voters. And the shift is causing a change to the party’s political priorities as a result.
It’s tempting to see America’s declining religiosity as nothing but good news for the Democrats. The real picture is more complicated.
A Trump reelection is the worst-case scenario, and the Left needs to be part of the struggle to prevent it. Impeachment is part of that struggle.
Born at the height of the Clinton era, the Working Families Party thought it had found a way to build a labor party in America. Today, it’s advancing progressive politics with a far narrower base than it expected.
The US Chamber of Commerce presented “bipartisanship” awards to Democrats like Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin who blocked a $15 minimum wage. They’re not even pretending to be on your side anymore.
The Liberal Democrats’ hypocritical “Remain Alliance” betrays their own voters and threatens to hand Boris Johnson a majority. It should be called what it is — a pathway to a Tory majority.
Despite breathless claims of a deepening political cold war, Democrats made gains this month in every Republican-leaning voting group.
In a 2020 campaign against Donald Trump, a bet on Elizabeth Warren is a risky wager on its own terms. But over the next twenty years, a turn toward progressive technocracy is not a bet at all — it’s an unconditional surrender to class dealignment.