Frantz Durupt is a journalist at French daily Libération.
Tech giants like Apple, Google, and Amazon are increasingly developing apps and services offering mental health treatment. The value of these products for users is dubious — but they do promise the companies lucrative new sources of highly personal data.
The International Centre of Justice for Palestine has served Justin Trudeau’s government with a notice of intention to prosecute for alleged complicity in Israeli war crimes in Gaza. It’s the end result of years of unstinting support from Canadian leaders.
In the wake of its historic strike victory, the United Auto Workers says thousands of nonunion autoworkers have reached out asking for support in organizing their plants. The UAW already has plans in motion to unionize the whole US auto sector.
Netflix’s new feel-good Bayard Rustin biopic, Rustin, claims the civil rights hero has been forgotten because of his sexuality. But it was his fiery and provocative class politics that makes him both controversial and prophetic today.
A new leaked report suggests the Biden administration is undermining efforts to set standards for a global carbon market. Coupled with Joe Biden’s absence at the global climate summit this week, patience with the US’s lack of action is wearing thin.
On Thursday, trade unions and women’s movements across Spain’s Basque Country held an explicitly feminist general strike. Workers are striking for a public community care system — one that ensures care work is well-paid and properly supported.
A temporary cease-fire made it easier to grasp the horrifying violence inflicted upon civilians in Gaza by the Israeli military. As Israel begins another onslaught, Joe Biden will bear full responsibility for the carnage that follows unless he demands a halt.
In the United States, one of the twentieth century’s most prolific butchers died as he lived — beloved by the rich and powerful, regardless of their partisan affiliation.
From Rockefeller to Nixon, then on to Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump, Kissinger’s service tracked the metaphysical evolution of American power. We all live now in the Kissingerian void. What horrors await?
When war erupted in South Asia in 1971, Henry Kissinger called Indians “bastards,” and Richard Nixon said they needed “a mass famine.” For both men, US interests were worth killing hundreds of thousands of Bangladeshis and displacing millions more.
By all accounts, the death and destruction Henry Kissinger wreaked upon Cambodia never burdened him. But he bears responsibility for a brutal American bombing campaign and creating the conditions that spurred the Khmer Rouge to power.
Ask anyone over the age of 50 in Cyprus who is to blame for the island’s ongoing divisions, and the answer will be almost unanimous: Henry Kissinger.
Henry Kissinger once said that the slaughter of hundreds of thousands in East Timor would have occurred no matter what he did. He was too modest.
In Vietnam, Henry Kissinger had no principles whatsoever. There’s nothing to suggest that he had qualms about people dying or suffering.
Why would Henry Kissinger plan a covert operation in Angola? Because he wanted to exorcize the ghost of Vietnam — and he thought the war would provide a cheap boost to American prestige.
Henry Kissinger was fond of telling Congress that he was in the business of real estate, not social work. Real estate, much like empire, is suited only to thugs and tyrants — as Kissinger’s decades of meddling in the Persian Gulf make clear.
With US policy in war-torn southern Africa perpetually on the verge of capsizing, Henry Kissinger’s desire for stability put him in conflict with the ascendant New Right, which was firmly committed to white minority rule.
Western Sahara, the largest non-self-governing territory in the world, is today bisected by a 1,700-mile-long sand wall and millions of land mines. Henry Kissinger and the Ford administration were undoubtedly proud of their hard work in the region.
With Central America in flames, Henry Kissinger’s challenge was to portray local revolutionary movements as foreign conspiracies more alien than the United States’ own violent interventions. Where democracy failed, capitalism flourished.
In the mid-1970s, fanatical dictatorships viewed South America as the forefront of a third world war in the fight against communism. Henry Kissinger endorsed this crusading spirit — and unlike in Vietnam, he accomplished his objectives there.