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In a global economy defined by overproduction and underconsumption, American and Chinese corporations are struggling to extract profits from developing nations. Without massive wealth redistribution, consumption won’t return to stable levels.
In the 1980s, as China sought to introduce markets into its economy, an internal debate roiled over whether to liberalize prices gradually or all at once. It rejected the free-market shock therapy option, and challenged neoliberal orthodoxy in the process.
Illusions on both the Left and Right about China miss how the contradictions of capitalism are shaping that country’s development.
Proclamations of a New Cold War between China and the US herald a clash between authoritarianism and liberal democracy. But what we’re seeing in the growing rivalry between the two countries isn’t based on ideological difference but on inter-capitalist competition.
Framing China as an environmental villain only serves to excuse American inaction.
China’s united response to COVID-19 is often painted as a reflection of authoritarian “Asian values.” But the collective mobilization relied on real public support — a temporary social truce that today threatens to fracture.
Joe Biden’s appointments on China policy suggest he’s uninterested in breaking with America’s long legacy of putting the protection of corporate profits at the heart of its foreign policy vision.
Amid all the confusing signals, China is clearly the prime target for Trump’s trade agenda. China’s best response to tariffs would be to rely more on domestic consumption than exports, but executing that turn presents a huge challenge for its leaders.
Frank Dikötter is the best-selling popular historian of China today. In his latest work on the post-Mao years, Dikötter joins a long line of those predicting the speedy demise of the Chinese system, letting ideology get in the way of analysis.
Donald Trump’s recent blustery foreign policy proclamations have many pundits scratching their heads. They should be seen as part of a broader project of reasserting US hegemony in the Americas and pushing back on Chinese geopolitical influence.
The Biden administration just ratcheted up “strategic competition” with China with a round of export controls aimed at hobbling China’s semiconductor industry. But the move could end up blowing back on the US and its allies.
Tom Friedman and Steve Bannon are, as usual, wrong. Hardship in the United States can’t be blamed on China’s “economic war” on democracy. It’s the fault of American corporations and elites.
What have three decades of market reforms meant for the world’s largest working class?
Paranoia about Chinese influence in Australia is on the rise — and the Australian ruling class is stoking tensions between China and the United States. For the sake of world peace and prosperity, they have to be stopped.
The defense bill that Joe Biden recently signed lays the groundwork for a new cold war with China. That’s great for defense contractors — and terrible for world peace.
Last week, China responded to new US tariffs with a ban on exporting rare earth minerals. While both countries’ leaders engage in great power rivalry, they risk imperiling the green transition, which will rely on the trade of technology between nations.
On TV news, a jingoistic discourse is already developing over the Taiwan crisis — and not just on the right. The result could be another disastrous great-power conflict, this time with China.
The Chinese government isn’t letting up on its repression of Uyghurs. It’s setting a dangerous example of how to use “anti-terrorism” to justify authoritarian practices.
China hawks love to fulminate about how Beijing’s military strength is growing and will challenge the United States in the coming decades. But China’s military is vastly more likely to be fighting climate change than American soldiers.
This month, Xi Jinping was effectively made president for life. What should we make of this and Xi’s long-term ambitions for China?