
How Progressive Civil Society Became Professional NGO Culture
The disintegration of working-class institutions and the rise of professionalized advocacy have severed the connections between progressive civil society and working-class communities.
The disintegration of working-class institutions and the rise of professionalized advocacy have severed the connections between progressive civil society and working-class communities.
By letting false friends in the GOP appeal to striking railworkers, Democrats are playing with fire.
In a 1914 essay, Eugene V. Debs pronounced Jesus “the world’s supreme revolutionary leader” and “as real and persuasive a historic character as John Brown, Abraham Lincoln, or Karl Marx.” We reprint the essay here in full as our Christmas gift to you.
In the 1990s, Tony Blair and his circle “modernized” the British Labour Party by minimizing the power of members and embracing neoliberal dogmas. But it was the prior hollowing out of the party’s institutions that allowed New Labour to come to power.
Philanthropy thrills to begging and tolerates activism, but cannot abide a demand from those it wants to save.
The Democratic Party establishment has shown itself time and again to be an enemy of left-wing policies. Despite her progressive plans, Elizabeth Warren is cozying up to those Democratic elites. Bernie Sanders welcomes their hatred.
The bare minimum requirement of being a party of workers is to actually support measures that would improve those workers’ lives. By that metric, the GOP has failed over and over again.
Childhood has become a period of high-stakes preparation for life in a stratified economy.
Discussing class in the context of cricket has long been taboo. But the maintenance of the class order in England serves as the driving force behind the sport’s development.
“I didn’t leave Labour. Labour left us,” is a common sentiment in working-class communities across Britain. Member of Parliament Jon Trickett discusses what might be done to win back workers.
Progressives and moderates accuse each other of being unable to appeal to working-class voters — and maybe they’re both right.
In their despair at Donald Trump’s victory, liberal pundits are concluding that the masses, especially the working class, are irredeemably terrible. That’s apolitical nonsense.
The CIA and the Chilean military have rightly been seen as central culprits in the 1973 overthrow of socialist president Salvador Allende. But we shouldn't overlook the important role that the Chilean middle class played in the coup and its aftermath.
Today's capitalism may have increased the power of managers relative to owners of capital. But this shift doesn't mean a friendlier ruling class — if we want a better world, it’s still up to the working class to make it.
A new education project for union members tackles racism using labor’s strongest weapon: solidarity.
Freelancers have more in common with other workers than with small-business entrepreneurs.
Since the fiscal crisis of 1975, New York has been repeatedly lashed by austerity. Now, with the latest round of post–COVID-19 cuts on the horizon, a group of socialist legislators and movement organizations are spearheading a fight to fund public services through a campaign to tax the rich.
Chile’s socialist experiment was made possible by a confrontational working-class political party and a militant labor movement. The experience shows the promise, and the dangers, of a movement based in both government initiatives and grassroots militancy.
There were many good things in the stimulus package. But claims that Biden’s Democratic Party has embraced structural change are overblown: an injection of much-needed cash isn’t the same thing as empowering workers or creating a constituency for change.
How real estate barons and investment bankers plotted the destruction of working-class New York.