More than a month has passed since the historic call. Normally such a step comes at the end of a process, as was the case between 2013 and 2015. At that time, the peace process was preceded by discussions and dialogue. But now the call comes as a first step, marking an important historical turning point. There are many expectations but so far no concrete developments. Besides trust, security and guarantees are now needed.

We must not view this process as an everyday political event; it has geopolitical, strategic, and historical significance. Developments will be determined not only by intentions but also by the political climate. Of course, good intentions are also the result of correct analysis. Today President Erdoğan is in power, and he will steer the process with his political perspective. The process is slow because different interests have to be balanced, but we believe that a decision will soon have to be made: Does he want peace or not? Will he respect or ignore society’s demands for a solution?

We have not given up hope and are doing our utmost. We believe that this process can develop, but its progress depends on the government fulfilling our expectations. If it fails to take action, skepticism will grow, and I think the government is aware of this.

There are both internal and external reasons for this. One of Öcalan’s greatest strengths is his ability to recognize global developments and their impact on the region at an early stage. We are currently witnessing the collapse of the postwar order: The Middle East is being reorganized, Europe is in crisis, and the Asia-Pacific region is in turmoil. Trumpism is triggering a wave of neofascism and calling political certainties into question. Öcalan is acting because he is convinced that the old rules no longer apply and that change is necessary.

It is normal for a movement that has been active for fifty years, especially after the events of October 7 and their consequences, to reposition itself and find a new political direction. Öcalan wants to overcome geopolitical dead ends. Here is an anecdote: A commander of the Tamil liberation movement in Sri Lanka cited the fall of the Berlin Wall as the reason for the Sri Lankan–Tamil peace negotiations in the 1990s. When asked what Berlin had to do with Sri Lanka, he replied, “If we don’t act today, we will be buried under this wall.”

The fall of the wall symbolized the end of an era. Today we are witnessing the fall of such walls once again. Öcalan emphasizes that those who adapt politically, socially, and mentally to the spirit of the times in good time and abandon old habits will not be buried under the rubble. I think we will understand these changes better in the future.

When we arrived, we found Öcalan and his comrades calm, confident, and determined. During our hours-long conversation, he emphasized why democratic change is essential in the world, the region, and especially in Turkey. Despite being in total isolation, he has used the last ten years for intensive study and political work. His analysis of the need for peace and democratic transformation in Turkey was profound, and he had clear ideas about the steps that need to be taken. One of his messages was that “Turkey is currently in a complex crisis. The main reason for this crisis is the refusal to solve the Kurdish question.”

As far as his health is concerned, both Öcalan and his fellow prisoners were in good physical and mental condition.

Turkey today finds itself in a complex web of crises. The central cause of these crises is the refusal to resolve the Kurdish question. This decades-long blockade not only hinders democratization but also exhausts our economic resources.

With his appeal for peace, Öcalan offers a historic opportunity to overcome the crisis. The Kurdish society made it clear through its massive participation in the Newroz celebrations on March 21 that it supports this appeal — it was virtually a referendum. The majority of political forces in Turkey have also signaled their approval. Society is ready for peace, and there is a strong consensus. But the government has not yet presented a concrete, confidence-building roadmap and is leaving people’s expectations unanswered.

What is lacking now is the political will to translate the social consensus into active action. Further delay in the solution process would only deepen the existing crises. The decisive step for Turkey is to seize this historic opportunity and create lasting peace.

We have been familiar with the usurpation of democratic will and the imposition of trusteeship in Turkey since 1979. Our political tradition has been fighting against the injustice done to elected politicians for forty-seven years, and we have made immeasurable sacrifices. I mention this because, as a party, we can well understand the debates about the Istanbul city municipality and İmamoğlu’s arrest.

This staged judicial coup not only serves to eliminate a political rival but also reveals the limits of arbitrary rule over the population. The process began with the appointment of a trustee in the district of Esenyurt, where we had already warned that İmamoğlu was the real target. Behind these steps is a plan to completely neutralize the CHP. But the fact that people would take to the streets in such large numbers was not taken into account.

The protests are completely legitimate. People trust neither the judiciary nor the political system. We support the democratic demands and oppose the imposition of trusteeship, political operations, and attacks on democracy. The government should not criminalize democratic protests but listen to the demands of the people and respect their will. We are fighting against the disenfranchisement of the population and the imprisonment of opposition figures, journalists, academics, and young people, and we are working to build a strong foundation for peace and a democratic society.

We have held three important rounds of talks with political parties, civil society groups, and professional associations. These revealed a strong desire to resolve the conflict but also great concern about undemocratic practices. In a climate where even minor criticism of the government leads to arrests, peace efforts are being systematically sabotaged.

However, the majority’s dissatisfaction with the status quo opens up opportunities for democratic alliances. The Democratic Congress of Peoples (HDK), founded in 2011 as a platform for oppressed groups, could play a key role in this. As an alliance of workers, women, young people, and other marginalized groups, the HDK is predestined to be the driving force behind such alliances, but it has been under massive pressure since 2015. The arrest of dozens of members in the last two months shows that the state fears its mobilizing power.

The HDK can bring democratic forces together, develop joint resistance strategies against repression, and channel the energy for social change. The desire for change is there — now it needs an organized umbrella to turn it into power.

The CHP is Turkey’s oldest political party and received the most votes in the last elections. Historically it has been part of the problem — both on the Kurdish question and in blocking democratic reforms. Today it could be the key to a solution if it recognizes the global and regional risks and correctly assesses their impact on Turkey.

That is why we have been in dialogue with the CHP since the beginning of the peace and democracy process. If the CHP takes a step forward, this could be an important factor in forcing the government to live up to its responsibilities and democratize Turkey.

The peace and democratization process is receiving stronger support than previous initiatives did, and the geopolitical conditions are favorable for its success.

If this process marks the beginning of a new order in the region based on democracy, women’s liberation, and justice, then it is the forces whose interests are affected by it that will want to see it fail. Such forces exist both in Turkey and in the region, as well as among the global powers. Wherever there are interests in antidemocratic regimes and in the exploitation of women and labor, there is a danger of sabotage.

The international community bears a great responsibility for the continuation of the process. Decisive steps to promote peace and stability in Turkey and the Middle East include supporting democratic forces that stand for women’s liberation and encouraging all parties to advance peace. Such a development would also have a positive impact on Western states and societies.

Öcalan is shaping the solution in line with the specific conditions in Turkey and basing peace on its internal dynamics. The lasting success of the process depends not only on the will of the Turkish state and negotiations but also on social acceptance and the active participation of the population and democratic actors. This approach could be a unique example for peace processes worldwide.

The peace process aims to guarantee a solution through the interaction of political will, social reconciliation, and constitutional and legal reforms. Unlike in Oslo, the process does not rely on mediating international guarantor powers, but rather on the common will of democratic institutions, political parties, and civil society in Turkey as the cornerstone of the process.

Crucial to the success of this model is that all sides make honest efforts and that the international community supports the process, even if it does not act directly as a mediator.

He says that after the collapse of real socialism, the “old” Marxist-Leninist forms are incapable of making the emancipatory potential of socialism visible. His desire to “complete the unfinished work of Marx” is not a break with Marxism but an attempt to reanalyze it and combine it with contemporary perspectives.

Öcalan criticizes “excessive repetition” because he believes that a flexible and vibrant movement like the PKK should not remain stuck in ideological stagnation. A movement that is content with old discourses and does not respond to new social realities remains stuck in words and slogans. In short, he believes that the organization’s mission cannot be continued with old tools; otherwise it will lose its meaning.

For Öcalan, the women’s question is central because the struggle of women is becoming the vanguard of anti-capitalist resistance. A socialism that ignores the struggle of women remains incomplete and cannot meet the political demands of the present.

Furthermore, the example of Rojava shows that a struggle led by women can give great momentum to the peace and transformation process that millions of people in the region are waiting for and fundamentally change the fate of the region.

The greatest challenge facing peace processes is their fragility. Often it is precisely the party with greater room for maneuver that falls short of expectations. Sri Lanka is another example of this, where Chandrika B. Kumaratunga, president from 1994 to 2005 and involved in the peace process with the Tamils, cites three main reasons for the failure of the negotiations: an unconvinced or uninvolved opposition, the lack of social support to sustain the process even during interruptions, and the fact that the peace issue cannot be left to the initiative of individuals. These points are very insightful and crucial.

In Turkey today, there are major differences compared to previous peace processes. The political arena is more involved. With the exception of a few radical ultranationalist fringe groups, all political forces support the peace process and have also declared this publicly. Another new development is that nationalist forces are at the forefront of the process in the form of MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli. Of particular importance is the active role of parliament, which is recognized as the central authority for a solution. Furthermore, there is broad social support for the peace and resolution process, and the people are calling for peace more loudly than ever.

In the next phase, we will intensify our efforts to implement Öcalan’s call, to anchor the demand for peace in society, and to fulfill our role in the negotiations. In recent weeks, we have met with around 60,000 people in 139 locations, who are now going from house to house and street to street to spread the word about the peace efforts and possible solutions.

Peace is not a process of victory or defeat; what this country needs most is a dignified peace. The current situation is unsustainable, both regionally and globally. In the new century, we need a free society and a free Kurdish identity.

The fact that the Kurds are seeking a solution in Ankara must be understood correctly. The Turkish state’s chronic hostility and denial of the Kurds must be a thing of the past. I am convinced that our efforts to build a democratic Turkey — a democratic republic — will be successful.