Only International Solidarity Can Free Palestine

Given the structural constraints they face, the path to liberation for Palestinians does not run through armed struggle. Liberation will require the kind of sustained international solidarity that isolated apartheid South Africa.

Demonstrators wave Palestinian flags during a Gaza solidarity rally at the 17th Street Bridge in Atlanta, Georgia, on October 4, 2025.

The decisive battles for Palestine solidarity will ultimately be waged inside the United States. (Alex Gist / Middle East Images / AFP via Getty Images)


For Palestinians, a lack of leverage has always accompanied their century-long struggle for self-determination. Without a capacity to disrupt the Israeli status quo — and operating against a highly resilient Israel that is immune to exogenous shocks while deeply integrated into American imperial hegemony — Palestinians have limited resources to draw on. Because of this, generations of international supporters have rallied for the cause. Palestine attracted international solidarity in the twentieth century at a level surpassed only by the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. Palestinians mobilized international volunteers in their ongoing struggle at levels exceeding what the Algerians, Vietnamese, and South Africans received in their own victorious campaigns.

Now operating on a different terrain, twenty-first-century Palestine solidarity is tasked with an even more audacious mission: mobilizing the masses in a neoliberal world rather than relying on the deterrence and vanguardism of a now-bygone bipolar world. The same global shifts that have set the stage for a Palestinian genocide are also what make the United States the prime site of international solidarity with Palestine at the moment its people need it most.

The Record Points to a Non-Militaristic Path for Palestine

Unlike the Israeli public, both the French and American publics opposed the imperial ventures of their respective governments in Algeria and Vietnam. The drafting of young men into the war machine played a vital role in building this domestic opposition. While a similar dynamic should theoretically hold true for the Israeli public, the lack of a progressive political force in Israel frustrates that potential. The fact that 90 percent of Israelis supported the military campaign in Gaza precisely when the world was gripped by international courts adjudicating it as a case of genocide is not only the responsibility of the Israeli government but also of its political opposition, which it too is open to biblical fantasies. The entire Israeli establishment shares the blame; they took turns betraying — with public consent — every painful concession that the most pragmatic of Palestinians made in the three decades preceding the October 7 attack. Several leading figures from that establishment are only now lining up to offer remorseful melodies.

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