Things Can’t Go on Like This for the German Left

After a catastrophic defeat in last Sunday’s general election, Germany’s socialist party Die Linke faces a choice: return to its working-class roots or face political irrelevance.

Janine Wissler, one of the coleaders of Germany’s Die Linke party. (Martin Heinlein / Die Linke via Flickr)


Sunday’s elections in Germany could certainly have turned out worse. For the first time in over two decades the left-liberal camp as a whole made gains: The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) under Olaf Scholz and the Greens each gained more than 5 percent on their disappointing 2017 results, while the far right failed to make further inroads, its support declining slightly. In a simultaneous referendum on nationalizing the housing stock of large corporate landlords in Berlin, voters sent an unambiguous message to the entire republic. The campaign, ending in a 56 percent vote to nationalize, highlighted the excesses of a privatized housing sector and an out-of-control real estate market in large cities, which have become intolerable for most working-class people.

But no one on the broad left can be satisfied with the election result. In the run-up to the election, polls had predicted that a center-left coalition comprised of the Social Democrats, the Greens, and the socialist party Die Linke would be a numerically possible, albeit politically unlikely, option for Germany’s next government. In the end, “Red-Green-Red” ended up just five seats short of a majority in Parliament. Although the evening turned out to be somewhat disappointing for the Greens, the shortfall for Red-Green-Red primarily owed to a disastrous performance by Die Linke.

The party’s support was halved, from 9.2 to 4.9 percent — thus slipping below the 5 percent threshold to enter Parliament. Its continued presence with thirty-nine MPs (down from sixty-nine) is only assured due to a quirk of German electoral law: Because it won three first-past-the-post constituencies in Berlin and Leipzig, it was awarded the rest of its seat share according to proportional representation. Therefore, a few thousand votes in two Eastern cities saved it from near-total electoral obliteration on the federal level. All three districts were won thanks to personal votes for respected and well-liked figures such as Gregor Gysi, former chairman of the parliamentary group and leader of the opposition, who hoisted the dysfunctional party into Parliament once more.

This article is for subscribers only. Please login or subscribe to access our full archives and beautiful print and digital magazine starting at just $3 a month.