Like many readers of this publication, I have a special place in my heart for one Bernie Sanders. The period bracketed by his two presidential primary runs has been without question the most exciting political moment of my life. Despite his losses, I still think Bernie is the model for the Left of a principled and strategic politician. We do ourselves no favors in hastening a “post-Bernie” era or thinking we have nothing left to learn from the man.

Above all we can learn from Bernie’s consistency. It’s what allows him to stand aloof from the culture wars, a seeming moral anchor in a rancorous and cynical political climate. It’s what endowed him with the trustworthiness that made it possible for a democratic socialist to have a shot at winning the nomination of an avowedly capitalist party. If you’ve heard one Bernie speech, you’ve heard them all: unionized jobs, Medicare for All, a Green New Deal. He’s so steadfast and predictable that his critics can’t decide whether to condemn him for being an extremist or for being, well, boring.

Bernie belongs to a long and rich tradition of American radicalism. Of its many luminaries, one embodies this quality of consistency particularly well, and perhaps this is why his name, John Brophy, is not a household one. Brophy was a true working-class hero: as national director of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) during its ascendance, Brophy was a key player in many of the struggles that laid the groundwork for the New Deal order. And as the one person to internally challenge John L. Lewis — perhaps the most egotistical and spiteful maniac the American labor movement ever produced — before Lewis’s departure from the CIO, Brophy stood boldly for democracy and solidarity at a high personal price.