The Danish government’s stance on the atrocities committed by the Israeli government in Gaza continues to baffle not only the Danish public but also its international allies. While Denmark positions itself as one of Ukraine’s most steadfast supporters in the war against Russia — and as a vocal advocate for international law and human rights — it has ironically maintained unwavering support for Israel amid the ongoing massacre of civilians in Gaza. Denmark has endorsed seventeen sanctions packages against Russia, yet has demonstrated no willingness to impose even symbolic sanctions on Israel, despite many of its allies having done so. Why?

After October 7, 2023, Danish prime minister Mette Frederiksen visited the Israeli embassy in Copenhagen, where she laid flowers in solidarity with the victims of the terror attack. When subsequently asked by a Danish journalist whether she would offer a similar gesture for the civilian victims in Gaza, she appeared visibly offended, replying: “I must admit that I think you are contributing to relativizing something that is not comparable.” She further chastised the journalist: “The fact that a Danish journalist asks such a question is deeply worrying to me and completely unhistorical.” At that time, Israel had already killed 260 Palestinian children. That number has since escalated to approximately 17,500, and according to UNICEF more than 50,000 children have been killed or injured in Gaza since October 2023.

As in many Western nations, in Denmark there has been a systematic, at times cynical, dehumanization of the Palestinian people and their suffering. While some might have understood this emotional reaction in the immediate aftermath of October 7, it has become increasingly indefensible nineteen months later faced with the daily reports emerging from Gaza. Furthermore, as in other countries, a growing divergence is evident between the official governmental position and the views held by the broader Danish public.

At times, the government has acted opaquely. When asked whether Denmark would assist in evacuating any of the 4,500 Gazan children in urgent need of medical treatment, the Danish government refused — citing an assessment by the Danish Security and Intelligence Service (PET), which deemed medical evacuations of children from Gaza a potential security risk. To date, this assessment remains unpublished and unexplained.

More recently, criticism has not been limited to domestic voices. It has also emerged from Denmark’s closest allies and neighbors. The Danish government’s position drew a rare rebuke from members of the Norwegian Parliament, who typically refrain from intervening in the domestic policies of their Nordic neighbors. Marian Hussein, of the Norwegian Socialist Left Party, remarked: “It is completely incomprehensible that Denmark has a government that looks the other way during a humanitarian crisis that demands action.” Her comments were echoed by the Green Party’s Une Bastholm: “This is very short-sighted thinking by Denmark, and I think it must be very incomprehensible to Danes, who see the situation in Gaza escalating every day.”

And Bastholm is right. While there has historically been robust support for Israel in Denmark, now change is clearly afoot. Fresh polls show that a growing percentage of Danes believe Israel has gone too far in its actions in Gaza, and according to YouGov, net favorability toward Israel in Denmark has reached its lowest level (-54) since YouGov started tracking attitudes in 2016. And 58 percent agrees or partially agrees that Denmark should recognize Palestine as an independent state. This changing sentiment is also reflected in the massive public demonstrations across Denmark — some with more than 50,000 participants — calling for a cease-fire. Despite this, the Danish government has remained unmoved in its unwavering support for Israel.

Yes, the diplomatic rhetoric has intensified. But the policy remains unchanged. When asked about the current situation in Gaza, Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen remarked: “This is a humanitarian disaster that must be averted, and Israel has an obligation. That cannot be stressed enough. We are open to discussing whether more can be done.” He added, “What can solve this is if [Benjamin] Netanyahu understands that he is losing the support of his very best friends. We, who are best friends with Israel, must speak out more clearly.” One can only imagine how intimidated the Israeli government must feel.

The lack of change in policy is in stark contrast to the shifting stances toward Israel in London, Berlin, and Paris. In recent weeks, the United Kingdom has suspended trade negotiations with Israel, France has opened genocide complicity probes into French-Israeli activists over blocked Gaza aid, and the European Union is actively considering targeted sanctions against Israel, including suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which grants Israel privileged access to the EU’s internal market.

Even in Germany — where support for Israel is embedded in the national political culture as Staatsräson (reason of state) — there has been a notable shift. Chancellor Friedrich Merz recently stated: “I no longer understand what the goal of the Israeli army in the Gaza Strip is.” He noted that while “Germany must exercise greater restraint than any other country in giving public advice to Israel,” “when borders are crossed, when international humanitarian law is really being violated, the German chancellor must also say something about it.” The German government is now reconsidering its arms exports to Israel in light of the humanitarian crisis.

That is without mentioning the staunch stances of governments like those in Spain, Ireland, Norway, and Belgium, which have long voiced support for Palestinian rights. Denmark, in contrast, now finds itself in a shrinking minority, whose primary European company on this issue is Hungary — led by Viktor Orbán, whose obstructionism toward EU sanctions on Russia starkly contrasts Denmark’s own position on Ukraine. That alone should raise serious questions about the coherence of Denmark’s foreign policy and should in itself be a sign of Denmark’s bizarre position in relation to Israel.

So why has Denmark adopted such an anomalous stance? Why has it aligned itself with Orbán and others in turning a blind eye to the same principles it claims to uphold in other conflicts?

There is no simple answer. Rather, several interwoven factors likely contribute. Firstly, Denmark has for decades viewed itself as a close ally of the United States, often described with the tongue-in-cheek remark that Danish foreign policy has been “outsourced” to Washington. Unsurprisingly, this includes the replication of the American position on Israel.

Secondly, Denmark prides itself on a national narrative of protecting Jewish lives — particularly its role in helping more than 7,000 Danish Jews escape to Sweden during the Nazi occupation after the so-called “cooperation policy” with Nazi Germany came to an end in 1943. For the current Social Democratic leadership, this legacy is reinforced by a historical connection to the early socialist experiment in Israel. From the 1950s to 1970s, over 35,000 Danes — mostly from the political left — volunteered on kibbutzim. This has shaped the worldview of a generation of Social Democrats now in power.

Thirdly, and perhaps most crucially, the Danish government — particularly the Social Democrats — has adopted an increasingly hard-line stance on immigration. Influenced by Huntingtonian “clash of civilizations” narratives, it often views issues related to Muslims and migration through the lens of cultural confrontation. In that context, Israel is seen as a Western outpost — “the only democracy in the Middle East” — surrounded by supposedly backward, illiberal Muslim states.

Though this perspective may be uncomfortable for some in the Social Democratic movement, it remains a potent underlying factor. It is perhaps the very reason why children in Gaza, injured and in desperate need of treatment, can be regarded as a security threat to the Danish state.