For years, the Ba’ath regime pursued a brutal policy against the Kurds, including their expropriation and expulsion from their villages in northern Syria, in favor of Arabs who were settled there. This was also known as the “Arab belt” policy. The Kurds were systematically excluded from political activity, and many of those who did engage in politics were arrested and tortured. One example of this repression is the massacre in the Qamişlo stadium on March 12, 2004, when the regime provoked a conflict between Arabs and Kurds, resulting in numerous deaths.

The Ba’ath regime ignored Syria’s ethnic and religious diversity as well as women’s rights and relied on oppression. The overthrow of this regime was the goal of all Syrians, especially the Kurds, who were striving for freedom and democracy. But this joy is clouded by the current attacks by the Turkish state. Turkey is pursuing a very similar policy of expelling the Kurds and settling Sunni Arabs in the regions it occupies in northern Syria.

Turkey used the developments in Syria to employ Islamist mercenaries under its control to attack the Til Rifat region, where tens of thousands of refugees from the Afrîn region, which has been occupied since 2018, are living. This led to the displacement of around 150,000 people, who were forced to flee to the self-governing areas east of the Euphrates. As a result, Turkey also attacked the city of Manbij with its mercenary Syrian National Army [SNA]. However, a cease-fire agreement, which provided for the withdrawal of all military units and the establishment of a civilian administration in Manbij, was broken by Turkey and has still not been implemented.

Kurds in particular, who make up around 30 percent of the population of Manbij, and those who were actively involved in the autonomous administration, were forced to flee as they were exposed to attacks by Turkish-sponsored mercenaries. There was looting, displacement, and war crimes. The attack on Manbij was not aimed at liberating the city from the Assad regime but was directed against the majority-Arab Manbij Military Council, which is part of the DAANES. This military council has been protecting the city from attacks by Turkey since its liberation from so-called Islamic State.

The Turkish state’s goal is to bring the whole of Syria under its control. It is already presenting itself as the one in charge of Syria and giving instructions on what to do and what not to do. Turkey is now planning to use its Islamist mercenaries to conquer the remaining areas by force. As a NATO member, Turkey is acting in the region in accordance with NATO strategy. Although the US has attempted to resolve the conflict through dialogue, it is clear that Turkey rejects dialogue and is committed to war. It is therefore urgently necessary to take a clear stance against Turkey’s occupation policy and destabilization of the region.

Yes, the Turkish state’s attacks on Kobanê are continuing, the electricity and water supply has been interrupted and the civilian population there is exposed to great danger. The Turkish state is clearly preparing for an attack on Kobanê, while the population and the Kurdish-Arab-Christian alliance Syrian Democratic Forces [SDF] are making intensive preparations to defend the city. Kobanê is the symbol of the resistance against ISIS and therefore these attacks by the Turkish state must be prevented at all costs.

Exactly, the SNA is known for its abuses and war crimes. The situation of the civilian population is very bad, as they were surprised by the attacks and had to leave all their belongings behind when they were forced to flee to the areas east of the Euphrates, for fear of the atrocities committed by the Islamist mercenaries. Many of the refugees are now living in the school buildings of the autonomous administration, which has also brought school operations to a partial standstill.

At the same time, there are already many refugees from the Turkish-occupied areas in the areas of autonomous administration in north-eastern Syria, as well as those who have sought refuge here due to the war in Lebanon. We therefore urgently need help to cope with this humanitarian crisis in the face of winter conditions and, in particular, to meet the basic needs of children and the elderly.

Yes, there are still around 12,000 so-called Islamic State supporters in the prisons of the autonomous administration, added to their relatives in various camps. The attacks by Turkey naturally exacerbate the danger they pose. Recently, there have been increasing reports of breakout and revolt attempts inside and outside the camps and prisons, and the activities and attacks by ISIS sleeper cells are also on the rise. The operations of the international coalition and the SDF against ISIS are therefore continuing. Yet the threat posed by ISIS, motivated by Turkey’s attacks, remains huge. We are also in a very tense security situation because we are forced to move security personnel to the front line if the war expands. The spread of ISIS fighters poses an incalculable global threat.

We knew that HTS was planning an offensive, but we assumed that they only wanted to take the areas up to the important M5 transportation route. Suddenly, we saw Aleppo, Hama, Homs, and even Damascus being taken after armed groups from the south of Syria joined the offensive. However, these developments were not the result of intense fighting, as the regime put up little resistance and Russia and Iran withdrew their support.

It seems that Russia’s capacity was weakened by the Ukraine war and had to withdraw troops from Syria. The Ba’athist regime did not listen to its people or its allies, and persisted in its position, which led to Russia and Iran backing out. Iran and its proxies have suffered heavy defeats in the wars in Gaza, Lebanon, and Yemen. In addition, the Iranian armed forces in Syria were bombed and severely weakened by Israel over a long period of time. As a result, Iran was no longer in a position to put up resistance. The regime was now isolated and could not fend off the attacks, which made it relatively easy for the HTS to capture these cities.

The situation is not what it seems. The Turkish state and its secret services have long been trying to stir up fear among the Arab population in the autonomous administration’s regions through manipulative propaganda and to provoke a Kurdish-Arab conflict in order to destabilize the region. We are countering this by seeking open dialogue and advocating joint democratic self-administration by the various population groups.

The recent events in Raqqa are an example of such provocations. During a rally to celebrate the fall of the regime and to welcome the flag of the Syrian revolution, armed men suddenly opened fire on the crowd, resulting in numerous injuries. The Turkish media immediately reported that the SDF had fired on the civilians. However, it later emerged that these men had been deliberately deployed as a provocation. They were arrested and the situation did not escalate as the people of Raqqa understood that the SDF or internal security forces would not simply fire on civilians.

The situation in Syria is uncertain and there is an urgent need for an internal Syrian solution in which the Syrian people themselves decide on their future. A joint national committee involving all regions of Syria is needed to tackle the humanitarian crisis. A fair and transparent system for the distribution of humanitarian aid to the civilian population must be created. We believe that channeling humanitarian aid through the Turkish state in order to portray it as a generous donor is the wrong approach. If the German government and the EU instead advocate a fair and decentralized system, this would ensure that the aid actually reaches those in need.

It remains to be seen how serious this stance is and whether it will be implemented. The transitional government led by HTS must not become the new regime. A new transitional government must be created that includes Sunnis, Kurds, Christian Arameans, Armenians, Druze, Alawites, and all population groups in Syria, especially women. This is the only way to prepare elections and a new constitution in line with Syria’s social diversity. Regardless of Julani’s background, these principles must apply to a democratic future for Syria.

The regime in Idlib is unacceptable. In particular, the misogynistic attitude of the HTS, which wants to impose head coverings on women, is incompatible with our ideas. Positive statements toward the Kurds must now be put into practice. Kurdish refugees from Turkish-occupied Afrîn must be able to return to their homes, while the Arab population from Ghouta, Idlib, and Daraa, who have been resettled there, should also return. The new transitional government is responsible for this.

Many are now talking about democracy and peace in Syria, but we need clear principles on how to get there. The autonomous administration initiative in North and East Syria aims above all to create the basis for an honest dialogue on solutions. In our region, the autonomous administration has so far been able to ensure the protection and provision of basic needs for five million people. With the experience we have gained through democratic self-governance, we can also support other regions of Syria.

The achievements of peaceful coexistence between different communities, direct democracy, and, in particular, women’s freedom are unparalleled in the region. In military matters, too, we have always shown our willingness to become part of the Syrian army with the SDF, including the women’s [protection] units of the YPJ, and to live up to our responsibility for the right to self-determination of all the peoples of Syria. Our initiative of the ten-point plan of our autonomous administration aims to reach an all-Syrian agreement, and for us, joint dialogue is the most important basis for this.